No definition of a miracle is adequate Essay Example for Free

No definition of a miracle is adequate Essay Many philosophers have attempted to define what exactly constitutes a miracle in a number of ways outlining definitions which contain the criteria for what phenomena can be counted as miraculous. Whether a definition is adequate seems highly subjective but will likely be one that is acceptable by non-Christians as well as Christians who in all probability will want a definition that accepts many of the miracle in the Bible to indeed be miraculous. Mackie’s definition of miracles describing them as events that occur when the world is not left alone and is intruded by something that is not part of the natural order necessitates that miracles are caused by a supernatural entity which may be considered to be God. This appears to suggest that his definition would indeed be adequate for some Christians given that it sets apart miracles from coincidences turning them into occurrences which could provide evidence for their faith. Moreover it allows a more specific idea of what constitutes a miracles disallowing events with an entirely naturalistic explanation maintaining them as unique events. However, Hick likely would criticise Mackie’s arguments for not be adequate given the ambiguity of what the natural order and the laws that govern it are. Hick suggested that laws were generalisations that are formed after events have happened, suggesting that that the natural order couldn’t be intruded upon. Also it may be that what is perceived to be an intrusion by something outside of the natural order is actually just a lack of understanding of the natural order on our part. This means that though an event such as the Moon Landing would have been defined as inadequate centuries ago, today it would not. This undermines the adequacy of the definition given that what it encompasses will change with time. A further issue with the adequacy of Mackie’s definition is that it could be argued to not be sufficiently specific given that it makes no attempt to define what exactly constitutes something distinct from the natural order, and it may in fact not be God. This would undermine its adequacy for Christians who believe that God is responsible for causing miracles and may not accept they are caused by other beings. Swinburne’s definition of a miracle appears to resolve this issue defining miracles as a violation of a law of nature by a god (a very powerful rational being who is not a material object). That said, the requirement for God to intervene in the world poses a number of challenges to Swinburnes’ definition especially given that God’s need to intervene in his creation contradicts the idea that he is an all powerful being if the world requires changes. Additionally philosophers like Wiles would argue that if God has the ability to intervene in the world in order to perform miracles in certain instances then his failure to prevent evil and suffering in the world undermines his characteristic of omni-benevolence. For this reason a definition that requires God’s intervention to cause miracles may be inadequate given the contradictions that would occur if such an event happened. On the other hand, many Christians do accept that God intervenes in the world and if so this definition of miracles may indeed be adequate also determining whether God is responsible for an event may be impossible as it may just be due to limited understanding of events. Additionally, Swinburne’s definition is undermined by Hick’s challenge arguably even more so than Mackies given his explicit use of the term ‘natural laws’ and also would likely be subject to change as understanding changes. Holland’s definition of miracles appears to avoid the contractions associated with Swinburne and Mackie’s explanations not requiring the physical intervention of God suggesting from the outset that it may be more adequate. This is because Holland only requires miracles to be an extraordinary coincidence of a beneficial nature interpreted religiously. The emphasis on interpretation also removes the difficulties associated with determining the cause of the miracle while still encompassing Biblical miracles. However it would likely be criticised for being too subjective given that different people would differ on whether the same event is miraculous. Additionally the Catholic church which usually requires a person to have performed at least two miracles in order to be Canonized as a saint would likely not accept miracles as defined by Holland as they only accept events without naturalistic explanation suggesting the definition is inadequate for how the term miracle is used by some Christian denominations. In conclusion, it seems probable that no definition of miracles is adequate given that although Swinburne and Mackie’s definition of miracles may encompass many of the instances of how miracles are used, they are undermined by the difficulty in determining natural laws and also whether God physically intervened. Likewise while Holland goes some way to avoiding these contradictions in his definition it remains highly subjective and also doesn’t reflect how miracles are used in Christianity. Additionally it will likely also lead to significant differences between what people consider miracles. Moreover, the existence of so many contrasting definitions of miracles suggests that there isn’t a single definition that is adequate given that there is no consensus on what makes an event miraculous so any definition will be subject to significant disagreement. For this reason the statement that no definition of miracle is adequate can be considered to be true.

Historical Analysis of the Military Draft Policy Essay -- Military Arm

Historical Analysis of the Military Draft Policy The Constitution adopted in 1789 gave Congress the "power to raise and support armies," but it neither mentioned nor prohibited conscription. The Framers left that issue to the future, although most of them believed that the United States like Britain would enlist its men rather than conscript them, and would pay for its armies through the power to tax. Not until World War I did the United States rely primarily upon conscription. The Selective Service Act of 1917 was adopted in large part because a civilian-led "preparedness" movement had persuaded many Americans that a selective national draft was the most equitable and efficient way for an industrial society to raise a wartime army. Woodrow Wilson overcame considerable opposition, particularly from agrarian isolationists in the South and West and ethnic and ideological opponents of the war in the North, to obtain the temporary wartime draft. (Berger 1981) For more than 50 years, Selective Service and the registration requirement for America's young men have served as a backup system to provide manpower to the U.S. Armed Forces. President Franklin Roosevelt signed the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940 which created the country's first peacetime draft and formally established the Selective Service System as an independent Federal agency. From 1948 until 1973, during both peacetime and periods of conflict, men were drafted to fill vacancies in the armed forces which could not be filled through voluntary means. (Gerhardt 1971) A lottery drawing - the first since 1942 - was held on December 1, 1969, at Selective Service National Headquarters in Washington, D.C. This event determined the order of call for induction during calendar year 1970, that is, for registrants born between January 1, 1944 and December 31, 1950. Reinstitution of the lottery was a change from the oldest first method, which had been the determining method for deciding order of call. 366 blue plastic capsules containing birth dates were placed in a large glass jar and drawn by hand to assign order-of-call numbers to all men within the 18-26 age range specified in Selective Service law. With radio, film and TV coverage, the capsules were drawn from the jar, opened, and the dates inside posted in order. The first capsule - drawn by Congressman Alexander Pirine (R-NY) of the Ho... ...ain that our military will not leave Iraq until a stable democracy is intact and if other actions are taken against countries such as North Korea and Iran as communication failure continues to break down, we will find U.S. military sources stationed in those countries as well until they too have reached a level of stablility that is consistent with how the United States government would approve. And although our commitment to these current day conflicts has not reached a status where a draft would be needed, talk has begun to stir and its reinstatement could come in the near future. Good or bad, each individual has its own opinion and its policy will be debated for years to come. Bibliography Anderson, Martin. The Military Draft: Selected Readings on Conscription. Stanford, California: Hoover Press. 1982. Berger, Jason. The Military Draft. New York: H.Wilson CO. 1981. Carter, Phillip and Paul Glastris. â€Å"The Case for the Draft.† Washington Monthly; March 2005, Vol. 37 Issue 3, p18. Flynn, George. Conscription and Democracy. Westport, Connecticut. Greenwood Press. 2002. Gerhardt, James. The Draft and Public Policy. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. 1971.

Media and Politics Essay

We all agree that a well-informed public leads to a more open, just and civic-minded society. Yet today it seems every major and minor news network has a Sunday talk show or weekly roundtable dedicated to â€Å"educating† the American public about politics. In addition, with the growth of the Internet, thousands of Web sites exist with information on politics and government. The irony is that while the quantity of places we can go for political information continues to increase, the quality of that information has not. Recent voter turnout shows an American public with a general apathy toward government and the political process. If we continue to focus on innuendo instead of insight, we threaten to create even more public apathy. For everything a quick sound bite delivers in sharpness, it often loses the same in substance when the message reaches the public. While it may be easy to fault the media for the lack of public confidence in America’s political system, policymakers are also partly to blame. Because increased political partisanship has led to an adversarial relationship between policymakers, it has created a disconnect with the media who cover them. It is only natural for the media to present the news in this â€Å"crossfire† approach when that is all it hears from politicians on a daily basis. Thus, instead of creating a well-informed society, policymakers, and the media can inadvertently work together to give the appearance that complicated issuesare black or white, with no in-between. We all know this is not true. For television, and the American media generally, the election of 2000 will be the first real taste of things to come, the beginning of the end of an era if not the end itself. Whispers of the â€Å"information revolution† could be heard in 1994, mostly in the accents of the Right, but in 2000, the Internet’s campaign presence will be sounded in shouts and with cymbals.  Campaigning via Websites and the use of e-mail, already routine, will edge toward dominance. In addition, a significant fraction of the public will be getting its politics from the Internet: the Pew Research Center found that in 1995, only 4 percent of adults went on-line for news at least once a week; by 1998, the figure had reached 20 percent, and rising. Today, however, television, which displaced the press and radio (and movies, for that matter), is itself substantially being shouldered aside. It is not even surprising that, according to the Pew Research Center, while 60 percent of adults â€Å"r egularly† watched TV news in 1993, that figure dropped to 38 percent in 1998. Like the press and like radio, television will retain much of its power; its quality of its influence may even rise; what is certain, however, is that it will have to change. If we are lucky, that change will help Americans reclaim some of democracy’s old charm. Our communities have been weakened or shattered by the market, mobility, and technology, and the centralization of the media and of party politics has taken much of the spirit out of our politics, emphasizing mass and hierarchy, and leading citizens to seek dignity in a private life that seems increasingly confined. Our politics, like our society, is more and more divided into two tiers. The elite levels, especially around the national capital and the media centers, are dense with organized groups and with information about the subtleties of policy and politics†¦The great majority of Americans, by contrast, are socially distant from power, baffled by its intricacies, anxious about change, and inundated by the welter of information being made available to them. The links that connect citizens to government are thin, mostly top-down, and dominated by money: the parties are increasingly c entralized bureaucracies, and â€Å"participation† is apt to take the form of donating money in response to direct appeals, voicelessly, without any say in group leadership or policy. As for the dominant news media, they are not seen as a stratum between citizens and centers of power, but as part of the powerhouse, an element of the elite or in its service. The great majority of Americans know that they depend on the media†¦the media decide what opinions to attend to and in what ways. Viewers, lacking a voice, can assert their discontents only by changing channels or by turning off the set, and in relation to politics, tuning out has become startlingly common, a silent protest against indignity. It does  not help that, eager to cultivate and hold a mass audience, the news media tend to dumb down their political coverage, as indicated by the ever-shrinking sound bite afforded to candidates and leaders. It is probably even worse that the media also pander, playing to our worst impulses. Early and consistently, polls showed that most Americans were convinced that coverage of the Lewinsky affair was doing damage to our institutions, telling pollsters that they wanted it to receive much less attention from the media. However, media leaders knew, of course, that despite this public-regarding judgment, very few Americans, as private ind ividuals, would be able to resist getting caught up in the tacky salacity of the thing. As a result, we got coverage in agonizing detail: Russell Baker called it â€Å"disgusting,† an indication that the media market is dominated by â€Å"edge, attitude, and smut.† Moreover, it encouraged millions of Americans to view the media, for all their power, as worthy of contempt. Political societies can be symbolized but not seen, and the most important political controversies turn on words–like justice, equality or liberty–and hence on public speech. A picture makes a strong impression, but one that tends to be superficial. Many see who you appear to be, Machiavelli advised the prince, but not many will recognize who you are. And often, visual coverage of politics is banal or beside the point. In the internet, a good many observers discerned a trend toward a more decentralized communication and politics, more interactive and hence friendlier to democratic citizenship. However, the Internet, at least so far, is not leading us to the public square. It does enable minorities to find like-minded people, to avoid the sense of being alone, and sometimes this gives strength and assurance to our better angels, although at least as often it gives scope to the dark side. In general, however, the Internet creates groups that lack what Tocqueville called the â€Å"power of meeting,† the face-to-face communication that makes claims on our senses, bodies as well as minds. — Over the past five decades, the American electorate has come to depend more and more on the news media for learning about political candidates and making voting decisions. The growth of all forms of media and the rise of â€Å"objectivity† in the press†¦ has made voters more dependent on the news media for campaign information. Today, about seven in 10 voters depend mainly on the news media for information to make choices when they cast their ballot. Voters’ dependence on the news increases the importance of the role that the news media play in American elections. But what do American voters want from election news coverage? And how do voters evaluate the news media’s coverage of presidential elections? In a word, â€Å"lukewarm† describes the general feeling of voters about the performance of the news media in covering presidential campaigns, according to national scientific surveys of the American electorate conducted from February through November 1996, as well as a more recent survey, conducted in October 1999, on the current campaign. The surveys were conducted by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis (CSRA) at the University ofConnecticut. Funding for the 1996 surveys was provided by The Freedom Forum. Why the tepid feelings? American voters are quite consistent in what they say they want from election news–and they are quite clear in saying that what they want is often not what they get. The American electorate is hungry for news and information that allow it to evaluate the substance of presidential candidacies on the basis of issue positions and on the likely consequences of electing a particular candidate to office. News provided outside of these parameters, while perhaps entertaining, is viewed as â€Å"nonsense† in the words of our focus group participant. Two types of stories–those that review how candidates stand on issues and those that describe how election outcomes might affect voters–are clearly the kinds of stories in which voters express the highest levels of intere st. The remedies suggested†¦.enhanced coverage of issues and candidates positions, more coverage of the possible impact of election outcomes on public policy and broader coverage of the  full field of candidates, not just the front-runners–could improve the quality of news and promote voter learning, which would be healthy for American democracy. At the same time, less coverage of the election as a sporting horse race and less obsession with entertaining stories about candidates personal lives would, according to voters, be an improvement. In election periods, the polls highlight the role of public opinion in the political process. They also illuminate the importance of public opinion measurements in the media. Fundamentally, and at their best, media polls are a way for public opinion to be reported and perceived, thus fulfilling the eminent 19th-century British visitor James Bryce’s conception of the American press as the â€Å"chief organ of public opinion,† and community â€Å"weathercock.† However, when employed inappropriately by overzealous reporters and analysts, polls can be used to create an exaggerated sense of precision that misleads more than it informs. Polls routinely bring the public into election campaigns. In an otherwise fragmented and even alienated society, poll reports may be the only means individual members of the public have in situating themselves in the greater society. News reports of poll results tell individuals that they are part of a majority or a minority on various issues. In campaigns with more than two candidates, especially early in the primary season, information about relativecandidate standing gives voters the information to help them cast a vote that is strategically advantageous. But most importantly, polls take that strategic information about candidate performance away from politicians’ control and places it in the hands of the public. News organizations no longer are forced to rely on the instincts of party leaders  or on carefully orchestrated leaks from partisan pollsters for data. Because they are numbers, poll results sometimes create the appearance of a false precision in reporting of candidate support or presidential approval. In fact, some polling organizations flaunt this alleged precision by displaying results to a 10th of a percentage point. Of course, the error due simply to the sampling design is usually at least 30 times greater than the specificity presented. Moreover, there are growing concerns about the ability of su rvey researchers to reach the majority of households selected in their sample. Some respondents refuse to be interviewed. Others have become ever more difficult to reach during the short news survey-interviewing period that must be sandwiched between public events. This perception of precision and accuracy leads journalists into making blunders, including attempting to find deep meaning when there probably isn’t any. Newspaper and television reporters often try to attribute a three-point difference in the margin between two candidates to some campaign action. Either the â€Å"slipping† candidate has made a mistake, or there has been a successful strategic decision that has brought supporters to the â€Å"rising† candidate. Sometimes small movements in the percentages of subgroups that form only a part of the total sample are given the same â€Å"explanatory† treatment. Those â€Å"differences,† however, are more likely to be caused by sampling error than by campaign events. In mid-October, a prominent presidential candidate addressed his largest audience. Hundreds of thousands of voters heard his message–but they never got the news that his message contained some distortions, omissions, and half-truths. Those significant matters were either ignored or buried in coverage by the leading news media. Why? It was not because of bias. It was because the candidate’s message was delivered not at a campaign event but in campaign television ads. And when candidates communicate via ads on the tube  instead of on the stump, journalists act as if we are stumped about our role and responsibility. Journalists at most major and medium-sized newspapers are proud that they are now at least covering political advertisements at all. They report on them in small-boxed features called â€Å"Ad Watch† or something of the sort. But they haven’t figured out that they are still being manipulated by the ad-makers. The â€Å"Ad Watch† reports c arry the transcript of the 30-second ad, followed by a small section in which a reporter subjectively interprets the ad-maker’s strategy. Then–in the most valuable section–the reports briefly focus on the factual accuracy of the ad’s claims. Newspapers display these â€Å"Ad Watch† boxes on inside pages, back with the snow tire and truss ads. Think about it from a journalist’s viewpoint: when a candidate distorts his record in a huge rally speech, a good reporter fact checks the claims. The resulting news story will surely focus in part on the candidate’s omissions and distortions that present a different and more accurate picture of his record.And that may well be a page one story. Now think about it from the political strategist’s viewpoint: Democratic and Republican strategists expect print journalists will check ads for accuracy but then downplay the results. So, being skilled manipulators, they are willing to take a light hit in a box that is buried back with the truss ads and will run just once if they can pour their unfiltered, exaggerated and distorted message in to living rooms where it may be seen by millions, not just once but perhaps 10 times in a campaign. There is one mistake that all journalists make whether we are covering politics at the White House, state house, or courthouse. Every time we report on money and politics, we fail to tell people the real story about how the system really works because we are using the wrong words to describe what is happening right before our eyes, every day. So no wonder people just shrug when we report that a special interest â€Å"contributed† $100,000 to Democrats or Republicans. Because, this special interest really did not â€Å"contribute† this money (which my dictionary explains means that it was given as though to a charity). What the special interest representative really did was â€Å"invest† $100,000 in the Democrats or Republicans. Big business people (see also: big labor, trial lawyers, et al) â€Å"invest† in politics for the same reason that they invest in anything–to reap a profitable return on their â€Å"investment.† Use the right word and suddenly  everybody understands what is really going on. They will especially understand when we regularly report that the largest agribusiness â€Å"investments† in Senate and House races routinely go to the top agriculture committee members, and largest energy special interest â€Å"investments† go to the top energy committee members, and so on. Use the right word and suddenly our next task as journalists becomes clear–and clearly difficult: we need to do a better job of discovering the campaign investors’ motives. We need to ask, Just what profitable return did the investor expect to reap for that campaign investment? A tax subsidy? A regulation waived? A loophole that is difficult for a squinting journalist to see with a naked eye? Whatever the return, this much is clear: the money ultimately comes out of the U.S. Treasury. Clearly, our present system, which we like to say is based on private financing of campaigns, can also be viewed as a form of backdoor public funding–where the taxpayers pay the final tab, no doubt many times over. We journalists have yet to find a way to calculate how many billions of tax dollars it now costs us to finance election campaigns through the back door. At least we can begin using a vocabulary that will finally tell it like it is.

Understanding Movies - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 1 Words: 318 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2017/09/20 Category Advertising Essay Type Argumentative essay Tags: Movie Essay Did you like this example? Understanding movies was the most interesting class which I have ever taken. People expect many advantages from taking various classes. Some people want to take a sports class to have fun while other people like a science class to enlarge their knowledge. In my case, I could get both entertainment and knowledge form the movie class. Through the use of a couple of examples and specific explanation, I will demonstrate why I liked the movie class most. First, Understanding movies was enjoyable. School life was always stressful. Whenever I was sick and tired of my major classes such as math, economics and so on, I could relax myself in the movie class. One day, I was so stressed out because I failed a quiz in my math class. But the movie class showed Dead poets society, which gave me a lesson. While I saw some young high school students trying to find the real value of lives, my stress had done away. Movie class entertained me whenever I felt bad during my university days. Sec ond, the movie class allowed me to have much valuable knowledge. In the movies, there are so many kinds of people, history and culture. When I saw the movie, Modern times by Charlie Chaplin, I could learn the situation of the United States in the early nineteenth century. Before I saw the movie, I did not know what exactly happened during The Great Depression in the U. S.. The movie class was one of the best sources of my knowledge. I really loved that movie class not only it was enjoyable but also it enlarged my knowledge. Since I found some advantages of watching movies, I have seen so many films that changed my major to film making. I hope that I can take one more chance to attend a movie class in the Unite States. The movie class was the most exciting class Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Understanding Movies" essay for you Create order

Severe Costs of Alcohol Abuse Essay - 912 Words

I have learned from my personal experiences that young teens should avoid consumption of alcoholic drinks. This in turn avoids many problems in the future and gives the person a better quality of life. Alcohol is the most widely abused legal depressant in the United States. The numerous problems associated with alcohol abuse are a major problem in todays society. This major problem kills many innocent people and is a deadly habit to start. One focus I choose to illustrate is the severe costs of abusing alcohol. Researchers from the University of California have compiled various statistics on the costs of abusing alcohol. They say alcohol abuse is known to cause illness,†¦show more content†¦Almost 16,000 Californians were hospitalized for injuries that resulted from alcohol use. Hospitalization costs amounted to $1.3 billion. The mean length of hospitalization in non-federal hospitals was 6.5 days and the mean cost per hospitalization was over $12,000. Public programs paid for 64% of hospitalization costs, including 38% paid by Medicare, and 19% paid by MediCal. Costs of other medical services, including outpatient care, nursing homes, pharmaceuticals, and other health professionals, totaled $1.11 billion. Health insurance administration costs in California attributed to alcohol abuse amounted to $122 million for 2001. They also found out that More than 13,000 Californians died as a result of alcohol abuse, including 3,600 who died of primary alcohol-caused diagnoses, over 5,100 who died of an alcohol ?related diagnosis, and 4,400 who died of an injury attributed to alcohol. These deaths represented lost productivity of nearly $8 billion and over 358,000 life years. (Wendy Max Ph.D) I view this as a severe problem needing dramatic solutions to solve it. This study also found that criminal justice system costs attributed to alcohol were as high as $6.7 billion including $2.1 billion for police protection, $2.1 billion for judicial and legal ser vices, and $2.4 billion for corrections. Also,Show MoreRelatedAlcohol Abuse Should Not Be Confused With Alcoholism Or Alcohol Dependence950 Words   |  4 PagesAlcohol abuse should not be confused with alcoholism or alcohol dependence. It is important to note the difference between the three. It is predicted that alcohol abuse affects individual physically, emotionally, and psychologically. Although some psychological, physical and economical effects may occur with both, alcohol abuse and alcohol dependence (alcoholism) for the purpose of this paper the alcohol abuse is the main focus. Introduction Alcohol abuse is a serious disease that impacts individualRead MoreBody. 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We often wonder the effect that is has on different individuals, and wonder why some become so heavily addicted to it while others do not. B ecause the prevalence of alcohol has continued to flourish in our society, the number of peopleRead MoreThe Relationship Between Bipolar Disorder And Alcohol Abuse With Emotional Instability1595 Words   |  7 Pagesa history of alcohol abuse with emotional instability. The patient’s family reports they have noticed many changes in their loved ones life and presence. They report moods where he or she was overly joyous and then shifted to severe anger. As a nurse you wonder is there something else causing the patient’s emotional shifts. Bipolar disorder is a serious mental disorder that is characterized by sudden intense shifts in mood, behavior and energy levels (Dual Diagnosis, 2015). Alcohol use disorder isRead Moredrug addiction802 Words   |  4 Pageseveryone is different. Drug affect different ways. 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These allergic types can never safely use alcohol in any form at all; and once having formed the habit and found they cannot break it, once having lost their self-confidence, their relianceRead MoreLong-term consequences of Child Abuse on the Society1559 Words   |  7 Pagesof Child Abuse Child abuse is the physical, emotional, or sexual mistreatment of a child by his or her parent or guardian. Many do not realize how many children are abused in their homes every day. According to a publication titled Child Maltreatment 2008, children are more likely to be the victim of child abuse and neglect than they are to be the victim of anything else (Speak-Up-Be-Safe). In fact, more than one million children in the United States alone are a victim of child abuse (WisdomRead MoreAddiction And Substance Abuse Is A Serious Problem Among Teenagers806 Words   |  4 PagesAddiction and substance abuse is a serious problem among teenagers. Teenagers begin abusing drugs because of peer pressure, or abuse in their life. Any type of drugs can be abused including over the counter medications. Since teenager’s brain is still growing any type of substance abuse can cause serious harm. The most abused drug is alcohol. Alcohol has a different effect the brain of teenagers different than that of adults. Children raised in a religious family, with religious friends areRead More alcohol Essay1576 Words   |  7 Pagesalcohol Substance abuse and addiction are major problems in society today. Every segment of society, regardless of race, gender, or age is affected. Some of the substances that are used grow naturally, where as others are manufactured illicitly or even legitimately in laboratories. They may be smoked, inhaled, ingested, or injected and used for social, religious, or self-medicating purposes. The substance that are abused include caffeine, nicotine, alcohol, steroids, stimulants, depressantsRead MoreSubstance Abuse. What Is Substance Abuse . Substance Abuse1300 Words   |  6 PagesSubstance abuse What is substance abuse Substance abuse is the use of drugs, alcohol, or chemicals. The substance abuse results in physical, psychological, emotional harm to the user or others. People abuse substances such as drugs and alcohol for varied and complicated reasons, but it is clear that it comes at a significant cost. 0Substance abuse can be recognized through it s signs and behavior changes, as well as short and long term effects. There are various ways however to treat substance

Lesson Reflection - 802 Words

Lesson Reflection Spelling Lesson My lesson reflection My lesson was based upon the spelling words for the week. I enlarged the letters of each word i.e: make. These letters were distributed between the students, I would call out a word and the students were to utilise cooperative learning to create the answer. The students with the corresponding letters stood up, they said each letter and then the word, from here the entire class would day and spell the word. Students worked well during the cooperative learning task, sharing and discussing which letters and students needed to be used. This continued with the words; little, made, look, just. From here students completed a spelling word sheet which complemented the spelling†¦show more content†¦Uses a reward game (buzz) to motivate students to complete class task. Instructions are explained clearly to students and examples are given. Students are to repeat the instructions. Good cooperation work between class and student teacher. Good use of room, walks around and checks on students progress during the task. If student is stuck, she encourages them to think, if they are still stuck then she uses examples. Knows how to extend the taskShow MoreRelatedScience Lesson Reflection1279 Words   |  6 PagesThis science lesson was taught as a stand alone lesson because Ms. Bell’s classroom is currently studying the regions in social studies. However, we decided science would be a nice change of pace for a day. The goal was for students to construct an argument that plants and animals have internal and external structures that function to support survival, growth, behavior, and reproduction. Specifically, we focused on being able to recognize how camouflage helps certain animals survive and to interpretRead MoreEssay on British Literature Lesson Reflection1376 Words   |  6 Pagesa lot of thought regarding the priorities of the course. On one hand, my main aim is to help learners enjoy the artistic part of written language. 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Florence + the Machine Free Essays

Florence and the Machine are a BRIT Award winning group who burst onto the music scene after a series of gigs in London, then at the summer music festivals leading to a fast track route to fame starting in UK and spreading across the world. Florence and the Machine’s sound have been described as a combination of various genres, including rock and soul. The band’s music has received praise across the music media before they gained mainstream success, especially from the BBC who played a large part in Florence and the Machine’s rise to prominence by promoting her as part of BBC Introducing. We will write a custom essay sample on Florence + the Machine or any similar topic only for you Order Now According to the bands lead singer Florence Welch, â€Å"The name Florence and the Machine started off as a private joke that got out of hand. I made music with my friend, who we called Isabella Machine to which I was Florence Robot. When I was about an hour away from my first gig, I still didn’t have a name, so I thought â€Å"Okay, I’ll be Florence Robot/Isa Machine†, before realizing that name was so long it’d drive me mad†. In 2006 Welch’s performances with Isabella Summers in small London venues under the joint name Florence Robot/Isa Machine began to attract notice.In 2007, Florence recorded with a band named Ashok, who released an album entitled â€Å"Plans† on the Filthy Lucre/About Records label. This album included the earliest version of her later hit â€Å"Kiss With a Fist†, which at this point was entitled â€Å"Happy Slap†. The band’s debut album, Lungs, was released on 6 July 2009, and held the No. 2 position for its first five weeks in the UK Album Chart. On 17 January 2010, the album reached No. on the UK album chart, having remained in the chart for 28 consecutive weeks up until that point. The album has been within the top 40 in the United Kingdom for 63 consecutive weeks, making it one of the best selling albums of 2009 and 2010 so far. At the 2010 BRIT Awards, Lungs won the â€Å"Mastercard British Album† award. Florence and the Machine performed at the 2010 MTV Video Music Awards. The first time I heard â€Å"The Florence + the Machine† I was in Scotland, being homesick and listening to the radio.As it was I was listening to the BBC Radio 1, because it was the only radio station that was broadcasting more music than news and at the moment I just wanted to relax and stop thinking for a moment. I think it was part of the BBC Introducing, because they were broadcasting more than one song, for what I was very thankful. The music had an instant uplifting effect. The lead singers voice coupled with the harmony and play of the instruments of the band were something different, but in a good way.Their sound is unique and at the same time it’s ageless, in some way even primal. This is the music for every mood and every occasion. I can vouch for it, because it has helped me through some tough times, it’s been with me when I was happy, it’s helped to give me energy when that has been the thing I have needed the most and it’s always moved me. Be it make me cry, make me laugh or just makes me want to dance and say â€Å"I love you† to my loved ones.I think they are such a success because of their emotionally charged music and because Florence is the music and she sings from her heart and that gives her an edge that other modern artist doesn’t have, because most of the contemporary artists are very commercial and sometimes because of that way of thinking their music feels soulless. However â€Å"Florence and The Machine† is full of soul, anguish, joy, life, love and even basic instincts. I love that even playing in live lounge they sound just as perfect as when I’m listening to their recorded albums. The How to cite Florence + the Machine, Papers